The superclass

In our Progressive Governance paper, Alex and I argued that ad hoc ‘shared platforms’ are a vital part of the management of a globalised world, particularly at times of rapid change. In Newsweek, David Rothkopf provides a glimpse of how these platforms have swung into action during the current financial meltdown:

To get a sense of how the world’s elite acts in a moment of global crisis, a moment like the one we are in now, it’s instructive to watch a player like Timothy Geithner at work. The New York Federal Reserve Bank president has been at the center of frantic behind-the-scenes efforts to stem the spread of the U.S. credit collapse, to manage the bank run that brought down Bear Stearns, and many crises before it…

Because interest-rate changes and cash infusions have less lasting impact on markets than in the past, the power of central banks is effectively more limited. In today’s world, no one institution, not even the U.S. Fed, has the power to contain a crisis. Being a successful central banker now depends on what Geithner calls “a convening power … that is separate from the formal authority of our institution and which can be a very powerful tool.” […]

Recalling an earlier crisis in global securities markets that he helped to manage, Geithner said the Fed brought together the leaders of the world’s 14 major financial firms, from five countries, representing 95 percent of all the activity in global markets. The Swiss were there, the Germans were there, the British were there. Interestingly, no Asians were there, not even the Japanese. Goldman Sachs chairman and CEO Lloyd Blankfein “jokingly called them ‘the 14 families,’ like in ‘The Godfather’,” says Geithner. “And we said to them, “You guys have got to fix this problem. Tell us how you are going to fix it and we will work out some basic regime to make sure there are no free riders to give you comfort; you know that if you move individually everybody else will move with you.”

There was nothing in writing, no rules, no formal process, and while no one asked the Fed to act, the Fed let everyone in the markets know it was acting. The beauty of the process was its absolute efficiency, seeing what a tight circle of large firms with “some global reach” could get done, fast-with an executive committee of only four running the weekly conference call until the crisis was past. “There is no formal mechanism we could have used to force this on anybody, so we had to invent it. I think the premise going forward is that you have to have a borderless, collaborative process. It does not mean it has to be universal, every jurisdiction or every institution,” said Geithner. “You just need a critical mass of the right players. It is a much more concentrated world.”

In Superclass, his new book on global elites, Rothkopf identifies a group of around 6000 key movers and shakers – literally ‘one in a million’. Their role is generally a stabilising one, if they can keep in line with the wishes of the wider population (a point echoed by Gideon Rachman in the FT today). But sometimes it doesn’t work out this way:

I once overheard a dinner conversation among the CEO of a leading aircraft manufacturer and a senior member of the U.S. House Armed Services Committee. “Here’s the deal,” said the CEO. “I want to sell a plane to Muammar Kaddafi and he wants to buy one. But we have sanctions in place that won’t let me sell to him. The U.S. wants this guy dead. So, what I’m thinking is, if you help me get the OK to sell him the plane, I’ll build with explosive bolts connecting the wings to the fuselage. Then, one day he’s up flying over the Med and we push a button. He’s gone. I make my sale. Everyone’s happy.” Fortunately, the conversation took place in the 1990s, a time before U.S. foreign-policy makers began bending international laws to achieve national security goals. The congressperson declined the offer.

Frank Furedi’s apocalypse now

Frank Furedi on Spiked earlier this year:

From global warming to obesity, bird flu to terrorism: 2007 was the year when the threat of an apocalypse became an everyday, even banal public issue. It was a year of ceaseless alarmist warnings about an ever-expanding number of calamities facing the planet…

One consequence of Western societies’ obsessive preoccupation with the apocalypse-to-come is that less and less creative energy is devoted to confronting the all too important problems that exist in the here and now. Take the global credit crunch unleashed by the sub-prime home loan crisis this year for instance.

Oh, give us a break.  You just know that if this article were being written in December 2006 rather than December 2007, the first paragraph would probably have read: “From global warming to obesity, bird flu to looming financial meltdown…”.  

The end of unfettered capitalism (or is it?)

Back in September 2002, I wrote a cover story for Euromoney called ‘The End of Unfettered Capitalism’. I interviewed various wise sages of finance (Joseph Stiglitz, George Soros, er…Ann Pettifor) who opined to me of the end of neo-liberalism and the need for a new economic model.

Back then, in the aftermath of Enron and the bursting of the internet bubble, the financial press was full of soul-searching and chest-beating articles, usually by John Plender, wondering where free market capitalism had gone wrong and where it was heading.

My article was the culmination of two years of quiet guerilla warfare against free market finance, which I had waged since becoming a financial journalist after university. I secretly hated the free market, which I blamed for frustrating my desire to be a Sixties-style creative hippy. So I spent most of my time writing articles trying to find chinks in the armour of international finance, as an exercise in self-liberation…

It was quite fun to do this, while working at Euromoney – perhaps the arch-organ of international capital. And it was pretty easy to do, in 2000-2002, while financial markets were imploding.

But then, you know what happened? Firstly, I started to find proper outlets for my frustrated hippy creativity, so I became less of an emotional malcontent (one wonders how much radical criticism emerges as much from the emotional maladjustment of the critic as from the political maladjustment of their society); and secondly, I started to realize that actually private financial markets worked quite well, and the people who criticized them – people like Ann Pettifor, for example, or John Pilger, or Noreena Hertz – were by no means experts about the financial systems they criticized. (more…)

The UK’s National Security Strategy

This Wednesday the British Government will publish the UK’s  first ever National Security Strategy. This is a big moment for Gordon Brown and comes with great expectations.  Don’t be surprised if there is no Minister on the Today Programme discussing the strategy’s pros and cons on Wednesday morning – this will be Gordon Brown’s opportunity to kill lots of birds with one mighty strategic stone (so lets hope he does wait and announce it in Parliament).

Dignity and gravitas will ooze from every pore of the front bench as Brown steps up to the dispatch box and announces the strategy. MPs from all sides of the House will nod and mouth their agreement. In the gallery sketch writers will pen columns for Thursday’s newspapers about how important Parliament is. For a brief moment the Government will look in complete control of its destiny – polls will even show the Labour party jump ahead of the Conservatives.

Some British newspapers are already trailing the announcement. The Telegraph suggests that ‘a national security council will be created, staffed by senior politicians including, potentially, individuals from other parties, intelligence and military chiefs, and scientific experts.. and that Paddy Ashdown has been suggested as a possible leading opposition figure with the experience to be invited to serve alongside senior Government ministers’. The Guardian points to the fact that ‘officials were divided about how broad they should paint the security threats facing Britain, and whether they should include such issues as social cohesion, for example,’ while The Times believes that a ‘group of veteran specialists will advise Gordon Brown on all aspects of national security, ranging from terrorist strikes to pandemics’. Finally the Financial Times writes that Sir Paul McCartney has been ordered to pay his estranged wife Heather Mills £24.3m.

Below are some thoughts ahead of the publication of the UK NSS.

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