by Charlie Edwards | Sep 22, 2008 | UK
Picture the scene: It’s Labour Party Conference 2008, Geoff Hoon is busy in interviews saying the Cabinet is totally united. While James Purnell argues that the party needs a vision on BBC 2, Hazel Blears talks to the BBC about her belief that the Conservatives will stand on the sidelines during economic difficulties. And then Paul Waugh, Political Editor of the Evening Standard, is handed a note by one Blairite conspirator with a list of names that would make up David Miliband’s first Cabinet.*
Prime Minister – David Miliband
Foreign Secretary – James Purnell
Chancellor – John Hutton
Home Secretary – Alan Johnson
Health Sec – Andy Burnham
Education Sec – Jacqui Smith
Business Secretary – Ed Balls
Defence – Jack Straw
Justice – Liam Byrne
DIUS – Jim Murphy
Work and Pensions – Mike O’Brien
Chief Sec to Treasury – Kitty Ussher
Transport Sec – Yvette Cooper
Environment – Caroline Flint
Cabinet Office – Hazel Blears
DCLG – Ed Miliband
Commons – Harriet Harman
Int Devpmt – Pat McFadden
Culture – Ben Bradshaw
Chief Whip -Tony McNulty
Let the stirring commence.
*Quite a good list – no?
by Alex Evans | Sep 22, 2008 | Global system, North America, UK
I’m not even going to try to form any kind of overview while things are moving so fast, but here are a few observations in no particular order:
First, just look at what happens to US indebtedness if the Paulson proposal proceeds. Alan Beattie moots the prospect of “the first trillion dollar deficit in history”. Today, the US federal government has $5,400 in debt, and according to the Congressional Budget Office planned to run a deficit next year of $438bn (3% of GDP). Now the Paulson plan is for $700bn over 2 years, meaning that next year’s federal deficit could easily top the $1,000bn mark. Former IMF chief economist Ken Rogoff concludes: “I can’t imagine this crisis is going to end up costing the government less than six to seven per cent of GDP.” Liam Halligan observes that “default by the US government is no longer unthinkable”. [Incidentally, UK government borrowing also looks set to double next year, to £90bn rather than £43bn as planned.]
Push-back against the Paulson plan is starting in earnest. Paul Krugman: “I hate to say this, but looking at the plan as leaked, I have to say no deal. Not unless Treasury explains, very clearly, why this is supposed to work, other than through having taxpayers pay premium prices for lousy assets.” He continues:
Here’s the thing: historically, financial system rescues have involved seizing the troubled institutions and guaranteeing their debts; only after that did the government try to repackage and sell their assets. The feds took over S&Ls first, protecting their depositors, then transferred their bad assets to the RTC. The Swedes took over troubled banks, again protecting their depositors, before transferring their assets to their equivalent institutions.
The Treasury plan, by contrast, looks like an attempt to restore confidence in the financial system — that is, convince creditors of troubled institutions that everything’s OK — simply by buying assets off these institutions. This will only work if the prices Treasury pays are much higher than current market prices; that, in turn, can only be true either if this is mainly a liquidity problem — which seems doubtful — or if Treasury is going to be paying a huge premium, in effect throwing taxpayers’ money at the financial world.
And there’s no quid pro quo here — nothing that gives taxpayers a stake in the upside, nothing that ensures that the money is used to stabilize the system rather than reward the undeserving.
Sebastian Mallaby agrees: “The plan is being marketed under false pretenses. Supporters have invoked the shining success of the Resolution Trust Corporation as justification and precedent. But the RTC, which was created in 1989 to clean up the wreckage of the savings-and-loan crisis, bears little resemblance to what is being contemplated now. The RTC collected and eventually sold off loans made by thrifts that had gone bust. The administration proposes to buy up bad loans before the lenders go bust.”
But as Gillian Tett notes this morning, the flipside problem is that if the Paulson plan doesn’t go ahead, it’s not clear what the alternatives are: “the unpalatable truth is that if this latest salvo does not calm the panic, then Mr Paulson simply does not have many more bazookas left in his arsenal … recent events have left market participants so exhausted that nerves are stretched to breaking point. That creates the risk that euphoria could flip to terror again. And while the equity markets might have ended last week in a jubilant mood, in the arena where it matters most – the murky bowels of the credit and debt world – terror remains widespread”.
Nouriel Roubini, meanwhile, reckons that in the wake of the first four elements of the crisis (collapse of the Structured Investment Vehicle system; a run on big US broker-dealers like Bear Stearns, Lehman and Merrill Lynch; the collapse of other leveraged institutions like Fannie Mae, Freddie Mac and AIG; and panic in the money markets), “the next stage will be a run on thousands of highly leveraged hedge funds“.
One last thought: the intellectual bankruptcy of the left in all this. A confident, forward-looking centre left would right now be moving forward into the breathtaking amounts of political space suddenly opening up as the ‘liberal capital markets’ storyline collapses. (Let’s remind ourselves of Milton Friedman’s sage advice once again:
Only a crisis — actual or perceived — produces real change. When that crisis occurs, the actions that are taken depend on the ideas that are lying around. That, I believe, is our basic function: to develop alternatives to existing policies, to keep them alive and available until the politically impossible becomes politically inevitable…)
But instead, the left is (as usual) unable to move beyond the politics of whingeing, offering its usual lame messages about “fat cats” and so on – which is why, as Gordon Brown seeks to play to the gallery at Labour Conference this week, his key lines lead on “irresponsible” City bonuses. Sure, let’s stuff the City and Wall Street; but could we focus on sorting out the mess first?
PS: great aside from Niall Ferguson in the FT –
The bad news is that emerging markets tend to experience more violent financial reactions to reductions in growth … Russia, having shot itself in the foot with its 1930s-style escapade in Georgia, is bottom of the heap – with its stock markets forced to close temporarily last week in order to avoid a complete collapse. (So much for “the return of history”. Memo to Vladimir Putin, Russian prime minister: when Hitler invaded neighbouring countries, he had capital controls in place.)
by David Steven | Sep 19, 2008 | Global system
Proving that there’s no crisis so serious that you won’t find a ‘high brow’ journalist flinging gasoline on the fire:
Editor’s Note
A front-page article on Thursday reported on discussions the investment bank Morgan Stanley has had with possible merger partners. It cited two people who were said to have been briefed on a conversation in which John J. Mack, chief executive of Morgan Stanley, had told Vikram S. Pandit, Citigroup’s chief executive, that “we need a merger partner or we’re not going to make it.”
After the article appeared, Morgan Stanley vigorously denied that Mr. Mack had made the comment, as did Citigroup, which had declined to comment on Wednesday. The two people whom The Times cited now say that because they were not present during the discussions, they cannot confirm that Mr. Mack in fact made the statement. The Times should have asked Morgan Stanley for comment and should not have used the quotation without verifying that the two people had direct knowledge of any comments made by Mr. Mack.
File under “hey – you got a global depression, but we got a great story!” Via the superb Dealbreaker – which bills itself as a Wall Street tabloid, and is required reading in these here end times.
by David Steven | Sep 18, 2008 | Europe and Central Asia, Global system, North America
One way or another, it’s bad news for Spain if John McCain makes it to President. Either he doesn’t know where the country is, or he’s going to refuse to meet Spanish leader, Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero, until he shows a greater dedication to ‘human rights, democracy and freedom.’
This bizarre story, which is going viral in the Spanish language press, springs from an interview where McCain appeared to lump Zapatero with Castro and Chavez – leaders he would be cold shouldering until they mended their wicked ways.
Twice the Spanish reporter tried to emphasize that she was referring to a leader from Europe not Latin America, but McCain was not to be distracted. “All I can tell you is that I have a clear record of working with leaders in the Hemisphere that are friends with us and standing up to those who are not,” he said. “And that’s judged on the basis of the importance of our relationship with Latin America and the entire region.”
Later his campaign refused to take the easy way out (blame the reporter’s accent) or admit what seems to be the truth (McCain just got muddled). Instead, a spokesman claimed that the dissing of Zapatero had been a deliberate one (neocons hate him, of course, for what they see as the ‘betrayal’ that followed the Madrid bombings).
Josh Marshall has been all over the story – or there’s a good rundown in the Washington Post. You can listen to the interview here.
Is this what to expect from public diplomacy, McCain style?
by Richard Gowan | Sep 18, 2008 | Conflict and security, Cooperation and coherence, Europe and Central Asia
Yesterday, the European Council on Foreign Relations published a report I’ve co-authored on the EU’s influence on human rights issues at the UN. I’ll save the details for a later post, but here are the headlines: European influence is declining, and the West is looking pretty shaky at the UN as a result. We’ve had some good press coverage so far (including an hysterical piece in the Guardian), but kudos to Die Presse in Austria, which has turned the report’s data into a map. The bluer the country, the more pro-EU it is. The redder, the more anti-EU…