by Alex Evans | Jul 24, 2008 | Climate and resource scarcity, Conflict and security, Cooperation and coherence
As a general rule of thumb, my starting assumption is that we need new multilateral agencies like we need a hole in the head. But if there’s an exception to that rule, then energy has a pretty good claim to be it. As I argue in Multilateralism for an Age of Scarcity, there is no multilateral agency with a mandate to look at all aspects of the issue:
The International Energy Agency is supposed to represent major consumer countries, but its 27 members are all OECD countries – hence leaving out key emerging economies including China and India. Although the Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) is generally thought of as the major body representing producer states, in fact well over half of the world’s oil is produced by non-OPEC countries. Yet the most fundamental incoherence on energy is the obvious one: that with consumer and producer states represented by two different institutions in two different cities, it is wholly unclear where any discussions about a comprehensive approach encompassing both producer and consumer interests would take place.
Now, IAEA head Mohamed ElBaradei has written a piece in the FT which starts from the same analysis, and goes on to argue that a new global energy organisation is indeed needed. What would it do?
“complement, not replace, bodies already active in the energy field … bring a vital inter-governmental perspective to bear on issues that cannot be left to market forces alone, such as the development of new energy technology, the role of nuclear power and renewables, and innovative solutions for reducing pollution and greenhouse gas emissions”;
“provide authoritative assessments of global energy demand and supply and bring under one roof energy data that are now dispersed and incomplete … speed the transfer of appropriate energy technology to poor countries and give them objective advice on an optimal energy mix that is safe, secure and environmentally sound”;
“develop a global mechanism to ensure energy supplies in crises and emergencies, and help countries run their energy services and even do it for them temporarily after a war or natural disaster … co-ordinate and fund research and development, especially for energy-poor countries whose needs are often overlooked by commercial R&D.”
He concludes, “the need for joint action to develop long-term solutions to the looming energy crisis is now undeniable. It is difficult to see how this can be done without an expert multinational body, underpinned perhaps by a global energy convention, with the authority to develop policies and practices to benefit rich and poor countries alike, equitably and fairly”.
So what to make of this call? A few thoughts.
First, I can’t see much in the first two paragraphs that isn’t already done by the IEA – with the possible exception of advising poor countries on their energy mix, which agencies including UNDP and the Bank already cover. True, most publicly available data on oil reserves is pretty suspect; but this new agency wouldn’t obviate that problem (which stems from internal machinations within OPEC).
The interesting element here is the idea of a global mechanism to ensure energy supplies in crises and emergencies (what could the head of the IAEA be thinking of?). When I was drafting Multilateralism for an Age of Scarcity, this seemed to me one of the real gaps in current multilateral capacities – both for dealing with short term spikes (attack on Iran leads to $200 oil) and long term stresses (peak oil). In those conditions, a regime for sharing access to what supplies there are will be essential for reducing the risk of competition and friction, and for providing (at least a degree of) predictability, to reduce wild market swings as much as can be.
What I think is missing from ElBaradei’s proposal is a proper account of where food fits in. There are plenty of major reasons why food prices and energy prices are ever more closely in synch: biofuels, input costs (especially fertiliser), and the fuel used to cultivate land, harvest crops, process, refrigerate, ship and distribute them. If energy costs keep going up over the long term (as looks likely, recent sharp falls notwithstanding), then food prices will do the same – making it more important than ever to effect a far more integrated international approach.
by Richard Gowan | Jul 24, 2008 | Conflict and security, Europe and Central Asia, North America
While we while away the summer musing on fantasy cabinets, someone has more daring fantasies up their sleeve. A report in Izvestia that Russia wants to station nuclear-armed Tu-160 bombers on Cuba has created much excitement in the Washington Post (now this would boost McCain) and, er, the U.S. Air Force:
Gen. Norton Schwartz, whose nomination to become the Air Force’s top military officer is being considered by the Senate, was asked at his confirmation hearing what he would advise if Russia were to proceed with such a plan. “I certainly would offer best military advice that we should engage the Russians not to pursue that approach,” Schwartz told the Senate Armed Services Committee. “And if they did, I think we should stand strong and indicate that that is something that crosses a threshold, crosses a red line for the United States of America.”
Russian Defense Ministry officials have tried to pour cold water on the report, saying the newspaper story was written under a false name and quoted a source at an organization that did not exist.
In case one was feeling cheated, Russia’s erstwhile top brass have been on excellent form:
“Russian strategic bombers have the right to use airfields in any country, including Cuba, if the leadership of that country does not object. Therefore, Gen Schwarz’ statement can only be described as inappropriate and childish,” Anatoliy Kornukov, former commander-in- chief of the Air-Force, told Interfax AVN on Wednesday. At the same time, A. Kornukov doubts that permanent presence of Russian strategic bombers in Cuba is expedient from the military point of view. “If one has in mind facilities on the territory of the USA, there is no need at all to base aircraft ‘under the Americans’ noses’, where they will be within the reach of conventional missiles. A Tu-160 can launch its ammunition when it is thousands of kilometres away from the set targets.”
That’s OK then. But no Russian bombardier would have U.S. targets in mind, surely? Certainly not Mikhail Oparin, former head of strategic air operations:
“First, no-one has said that our long-range aviation targets facilities on the territory of the USA. On the other hand, the existing Russian-American agreements on strategic arms do not bar Russia from stepping up the capabilities of its combat aviation systems.”
And why might you want to do that then?
“The use of airfields in Cuba as forward staging bases, or to base our refuelling aircraft to provide support to our strategic missile carriers, could substantially increase the capabilities of our combat systems in terms of reaching remote military-geographic areas,” Oparin said.
Areas like, I don’t know, darkest Peru? Oops, just being paranoid…
The president of the Academy of Geopolitical Problems, Col-Gen Leonid Ivashov, described Schwartz’s statement as blackmail of Russia. “Many American military men suffer from paranoia. They want to be in charge of the whole world and are trying to impose their conditions on everyone. As regards Russia, such blackmail – Mr Schwartz’ statement cannot be viewed in any other way – will not work.”
Who knows, this may be a step towards the apocalypse. Or maybe a generation of strategic air types in both Russia and the U.S. suddenly feel like they matter again after a few years of having to surrender the spotlight to those close air-support guys and helicopter pilots, traditionally some rungs down the ladder. Which is, of course, an excuse to recall what Clemenceau once said about war…
[Youtube:http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N1KvgtEnABY&feature=related]
by Charlie Edwards | Jul 23, 2008 | Climate and resource scarcity, Conflict and security, Cooperation and coherence, Global system, Influence and networks, UK
A propos my post below – Brown has said that the NSF core group will be made up of 12 men and women. But who could they be? Join in the fun and send us your thoughts.
Some help: Brown suggested that the 12 publicly appointed members would reflect the broad range of the subject areas in the national security strategy. Taking into account the fact that Brown will nominate a Chair that leaves 11 places.
My national security top trumps below:
Chair: (Most likely to be a retired or serving senior civil servant – possibly in the resilience space?)
1. International terrorism Baroness Manningham-Buller of Northampton
2. Weapons of mass destruction Paul Cornish
3. Conflicts and failed states Clare Lockhart
4. Pandemics – Professor Lindsey Davies
5. Trans-national crime – Misha Glenny
6. Climate change – Nick Stern
7. Competition for energy – Nick Butler
8. Poverty & Governance – Paul Collier
9. Defence & Armed forces – General Sir Rupert Smith
10. Demographic changes – Adair Turner
11. Globalisation David Held
by Charlie Edwards | Jul 23, 2008 | Conflict and security, Cooperation and coherence, UK
Tucked away in a Written Ministerial Statement yesterday comes news of progress on the UK’s national security forum:
Core group: The forum will have a core group of 12 publicly appointed members reflecting the broad range of the subject areas in the national security strategy. It is likely to include people with a range of experience and expertise in these issues (see below);
A register of associates: and in addition to this core group the Government will create a register of up to 100 expert associates will be who could be called upon to provide advice in specific areas.
Purpose: The purpose of the forum will be to provide expert advice to the National Security Committee (Cabinet Committee on National Security, International Relations and Development (NSID)).
Interestingly the NSF will be set up as a non-departmental public body, for the moment however, the Government will be establishing an interim forum in the early Autumn with members appointed on advice from the Cabinet Office. The Chair of the interim body will be announced shortly.
Role: The forum will be invited to focus on the published strategy to inform the annual updates, although it will be able to commission its own research subject to agreement of its programme by NSID.
The national security forum will be supported by a new national security secretariat in the Cabinet Office.
Alongside that, a horizon scanning unit will be established which will co-ordinate the security-related horizon scanning currently undertaken in a number of Government Departments, with the intention of giving it an overarching framework and a more coherent output.
The Government will also create (in consultation with select committees) a Joint Committee on the national security strategy comprising the Chairs of the key departmental Select Committees with an interest in national security, and other Members of Parliament and Peers with particular interests or experience.
The National Risk Register will be published shortly – its purpose will be to:
give the public information about risks to the UK from natural disasters, accidents and malicious threats over the next five years so that those who wish to can prepare for the consequences.
And there’s more after the jump.
(more…)
by Mark Weston | Jul 23, 2008 | Africa, Economics and development
I was doing a little research for my upcoming book on West Africa yesterday, and came up with the following factoid: since 1960, the top five countries on the United Nations’ Human Development Index (that is, the countries with the best quality of life in the world – Iceland, Norway, Australia, Canada and Ireland) have had 44 changes of government following peaceful democratic elections. The total for the bottom five countries? Two. Yes, in a total of two hundred and forty years, there have been just two peaceful handovers of power that have respected the will of the people. One in Sierra Leone, one in Mali. Burkina Faso, Guinea-Bissau and Niger have had none. Doubters of the economic value of democracy, take note.