Inspiration

Quite.

Quite.
Richard Gott in the Guardian may well be right that the Colombian government’s decision to bump off two FARC guerrilla leaders a mile inside Ecuadorian territory was “a political decision taken by the Colombian president, Alvaro Uribe, to end the peace process orchestrated by Chávez”. But I’m bemused by his line that
Ever since 9/11, the United States has requested the Colombian government to refer to the Farc as a “terrorist” organisation, a word also now used by the European Union. Yet the Colombian guerrillas are the most long-lasting of all such movements in Latin America, long pre-dating the current obsession with “terrorism”.
Pictured below: Elvia Cortes, in a necklace bomb. FARC demanded a $7,500 ransom, which they didn’t receive; shortly after this picture was taken, they detonated the bomb. I struggle to place this in the “freedom fighter” category, as Gott apparently does…

It’s all gone a bit quiet on the Kosovo front. The violence of week one has given way to… not very much. When the most exciting piece of news is that Serbia has “retaken” a massive 30 miles of railroad in the north of the province, it’s hard to panic. That’s not to underestimate the symbolism of railways in the Balkans: I recall a tedious train ride through Bosnia in 2003, during which we changed engine and crew when we crossed the internal boundary between the Serb and Bosniak regions, and again on entering Croatia. As pretty much the only passengers were my brother and I, this seemed a tad pointless, but was doubtless a point of great pride…
But back to Kosovo. Should we be relieved that it looks like a soft landing? Yes, up to a point. But it’s probably also a sign that the Kosovo Serbs (and Belgrade) have got what they were after: a de facto partition of the province. Last week, the EU insisted that it would not accept any formal split between the Serb-majority north and Albanian-majority south. But at the same time, EU personnel in the north were ordered out, and Belgrade has been moving its people in.
NATO is still up there, but as I suggested last week, the Serbs can essentially get round it by avoiding any major violence that would justify a sustained military response. A modus vivendi could emerge by which NATO patrols the area, but its guys don’t bother to get out of their vehicles – the Serbs will tolerate this, as they know that other NATO troops are protecting Orthodox sites in the south.
That would probably suit a lot of Western governments just fine. The most important piece of news for Kosovo today isn’t about Kosovo at all, but Iran: Russia signed up to the new sanctions resolution, signalling that this unpleasantness over the Balkans isn’t going to turn it into a universal spoiler in the Security Council. Given the strains within the EU about what Kosovo could mean for “effective multilateralism”, newly-elected President Medvedev will be able to rack up some easy wins by looking constructive at the UN on other matters. Western diplomats had already noticed that Russia made a point of looking for ways to be helpful on non-Kosovo issues after hopes of a negotiated settlement finally died in December. Moscow has cleverly linked its opposition to Kosovar independence to its desire to see Cyprus reunified, which happens to be an EU priority too.
So all sides now have something to gain out of playing down Kosovo as a problem for a while (and as The Economist has noted, a period out of the news would help the new sort-of state attract investment too). There will need to be some technical compromise on how to handle a transfer of policing and civilian tasks from the UN to EU – in an interesting new paper for ECFR on Mr. Medvedev, Andrew Wilson suggests that the EU should lean on the new man in the Kremlin to accept the transfer (tacitly or otherwise) as a sign of his goodwill. If he can detach this operational question from the broader politics of Kosovar independence, he might just do that. One way or another, it’ll probably be possible to find a viable fudge.
And in the longer term, expect to see the soft partition of Kosovo grow harder and – somewhere down the road – the international community wondering if it might not be such a bad idea to put it on a more formal footing. The idea might even come from the Kosovo Albanians, if it won them wider recognition. Scenarios of this sort have been doing the rounds in Pristina for a year or more, after all.
Today is the 65th anniversary of the Bethnal Green Tube disaster:
On that day [in 1943], hurrying for shelter from an air raid, 173 people were killed on this staircase without a single bomb falling. In all, 62 children, 84 women and 27 men died with a terrible simplicity: at the enquiry, the magistrate said that “the stairway was, in my opinion, converted from a corridor to a charnel house in from ten to 15 seconds. Death was, in all cases examined, due to suffocation and the vast majority showed signs of intense compression”.
Newspaper reports of the time explain it, baldly. At 8.17pm, the alert sounded and, in the next ten minutes, over 1,500 people went safely down the stairway (the shelter, an unfinished Tube station, held 9,000 people, with bunks for 5,000).
At 8.27pm, a salvo of anti-aircraft rockets a new type, unfamiliar to the public caused a panic surge. At the same time, a woman carrying a baby tripped near the bottom of the 19 steps, starting off a domino effect. People lay, unable to move, their plight invisible to the pressing crowd above because of the blackout. “There was built,” said the official Home Office statement, “an immovable and interlaced mass of bodies five, six or more deep.”
It took until 11.45pm to clear the scene, even in the middle of a war. The disaster was the Hillsborough of its time. The home secretary, Herbert Morrison, urged stoicism. “Shocking as this blow is, it falls upon a people tested and hardened by the experiences of the blitz and as well able to bear loss bravely as any people in the world.”
Full details of the disaster was hushed up until after the war, despite journalists attempting to bribe kids with £5 to tell their stories. Stairs into the station were cleaned of blood overnight and nothing was said even to those who were already sheltering in the station. Survivor, Alf Morris:
We all walked home and then people didn’t arrive. There was a little girl who my mother looked after. She didn’t turn up, so I went to school without her.
When I got to school, there were children missing. In one case, there was seven went to the Tube and only one came up, the whole family was gone.
ForeignPolicy.com has an excellent interview with Jack Cloonan, a former FBI interrogator who worked extensively on Al Qaeda. Here’s the part where he’s asked about the proverbial ‘ticking bomb scenario’:
[youtube:http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OGdNhwFqhyU]